THE
OPTION TO AUTHORIZE FORMATION OF A MUNICIPAL UTILITY
So given the above situation, what sort of negotiating strategy
would the utilities take seriously? The early steering committee decided the
only viable option for using Minneapolis’ upcoming franchise renegotiations as
leverage was to put the option to form a municipal utility on the table. The early thought leaders behind
Minneapolis Energy Options found out that municipal utility was the only path
Minnesota State law clearly laid for a city to take besides signing whatever
franchise agreement that the incumbent utilities will agree to.
John Farrell, who eventually became the chair of the Minneapolis
Energy Options steering committee, had been researching the topic for years and
is frequently asked to speak on behalf of many of the cities about energy
municipalization.
In addition, City Council Member Cam Gordon had been interested in
municipal power since he first ran for City Council in 2001. He gave Timothy
DHT a very detailed guidebook he had on strategies to pursue municipalization
and the typical counter offensive tactics the incumbent utilities use to try to
stop it. Leslie Glustrom, who was very involved with the Clean Energy Now
campaign in Colorado, told the early steering committee the story about
Boulder’s activity pursuing muncipalization.
The rest of the early steering committee found out there are municipal
utilities around the nation who have been doing a lot of cool stuff. In general
their rates are 14% cheaper and have less power outage time than corporate
owned utilities and are more sustainable, clean/efficient and /”smart” at least
in big cities. For example the Municipal
Utility of Austin, Texas has committed to reaching 35% renewable energy by
2020.
In
addition there are close to 2,000 municipal
utilities that are in operation across the United States with 125
Municipal electric utilities in Minnesota and 31 municipal gas utilities
including Rochester, Moorhead and Wilmar. NOTE 1 (See addendum on why Muni is better in theory for more)
They determined Municipalization as an investment for Minneapolis
would at minimum cost not very much short of billion dollars in bonding.
Yes it is a substantial investment, but we
figured the investment would be spread out over the course 20 years and could
pay off since city residents and businesses were already paying $450 billion
and rising annually to Xcel and Centerpoint.
Nevertheless,
municipalization was still really exciting and worth researching and exploring
because it presents a threat to Xcel and Centerpoint and a point of leverage to
have them take negotiating clean energy goals seriously. If we put the option
on the table then Xcel and Centerpoint would have an incentive to take us
seriously.
NOTE 1 (http://mmua.org/about/why.htm )
THE PUBLIC PROCESS FOR FORMING A
MUNICIPAL UTILITY SETS UP A CATCH 22
About June of 2012, the early steering committee was looking into
the public process that has to happen under Minnesota state law MN to form a municipal-owned
utility.
Minnesota state law says a city or town has to stay with their
incumbent energy utility unless its residents vote yes on a council-approved
ballot initiative to authorize formation of their own municipal utility. Even
if Minneapolis refused to sign a contract with Xcel to operate in the city,
Xcel could easily argue in court how state law requires them to serve their
current customer base so therefore Minneapolis has to allow them to operate. On
the other hand Minneapolis
(among other Minnesota cites) has full legal authority under State Statute 216
B to offer their voters a municipal ballot initiative to authorize formation of
a municipal utility and to pursue forming a municipal utility if the voters
approve.
It is quite a lengthy process. First, the City Council has to give
a notice to hold a public hearing on the issue at least 30 days in advance of
the hearing. At this public hearing anyone can give comment to say if city
residents should be given the option to vote on a ballot initiative to
authorize formation of a municipal utility. Following the public hearing, city
council has to vote in
favor of putting such an initiative on the ballot and even offering their
constituents the choice in the first place. This vote
has to happen at least 60 days in advance of Election Day. Then on Election
Day, voters could say yes or no to a ballot initiative that gives the city the
authority to form a municipal utility but DOES NOT require it. Only after this
ballot initiative passes could a city have standing to do a feasibility study
in front of the PUC to find out the numbers of how much it would cost
the city to purchase the electrical infrastructure currently owned by Xcel.
A key strategy which incumbent investor-owned
utilities typically use to beat such ballot initiatives is to make claims as if
the municipalization ballot initiative REQUIRES the city to form a municipal
utility. There is in fact a whole handbook utilities use on how to prevent
cities from forming municipal utilities which Minneapolis Energy Options and
other communities had access to.
Here is why this process for forming a
municipal utility is laid in in a way that gives the incumbent utilities free
range to employ their usual tactics and strategies for getting people to vote
no on such a ballot initiative.
A city be only allowed to attend PUC
meetings and figure out the actual numbers how much forming a municipal utility
would cost only after its public votes yes on the ballot initiative. Passing the ballot initiative would give the City
standing in Until that point then the incumbent
utility has room to misleadingly claim “not only does a YES vote mean you are
required to municipalize but it will be billions and billions of dollars based
on our numbers.”
Jumping ahead a bit in the story, one
of the main critiques of the Minneapolis Energy Options resolution was that it
was backwards to vote to authorize municipalization before the numbers were
crunched and before voters could have some numerical figures from which to make
an educated vote. Although it does sound instinctually backwards to vote on
authorization of municipal utility before a formal feasibility study is done,
that is the process we have to follow according to Minnesota state statutes in
216 B. Overall, it was not an idea from Minneapolis Energy Options or the City
of Minneapolis to put the proverbial cart before the horse.
Whether or not it was intentional, state
law is set up to make the process of municipalization and similar big changes
VERY complex and difficult to accomplish. It sets up a catch 22 where a city
has to pass the ballot initiative in order to have standing at the PUC to get
the numbers. Opponents of the would-be ballot initiative among the public could
claim that the city is uninformed because it hasn’t done the research yet,
however the city couldn’t do the needed research until the ballot initiative
gets a city-wide yes vote! Doing such a campaign is like threading a needle:
you have to get it perfect or it won’t work.
In addition, a city that wants to municipalize would then have to
go through a long and complex legal process with the PUC just to get the
numbers on what it would cost.
Otherwise the only information you can get
about the cost of municipalization is from the utilities who wildly inflate the
costs out for their self-interest over market share. As for Xcel’s operation in
Minneapolis, there is nothing to compare it to so it is hard to come up with
data. This whole set up gives the incumbent utilities the opening they need in
order to do a scaremongering hit job as to how much going muni will cost.
A NEW
STRATEGY TO ACHIEVE CLEAN ENERGY WINS
The early steering committee came to terms with the daunting
nature of this process for putting the municipal utility option on the table. But
decided we needed to do it and take the opportunity.
Upon
the knowledge of the process, Minneapolis Energy Options started laying the
groundwork for a campaign for such a ballot measure that would simply authorize
the city to begin exploring a municipal utility as an option. Simply stated, it
would have given the City the option but not requirement of forming a Municipal
utility.
There was a brief moment where Minneapolis
Energy Options considered putting the initiative on the ballot in 2012 but
quickly determined that was a very bad idea because: 1) The issue was too
unfamiliar with City Council. 2) We had no coalition among the public who had
heard of the issue. 3) There were already two very big VOTE NO campaigns
against Constitutional Amendments and they would have had a hard time undoing
confusion among voters if we injected a “Vote Yes” ballot initiative 4) All of
the support networks of organizers we needed like MPIRG were busy with the 2012
election and could not have given a lot of muscle to this campaign 5) 2013 was
a City Council election year and it was strategic to could couple the municipal
energy issue with the municipal elections… 6) Waiting until late 2012 to
announce the campaign would give the utilities minimum time to prepare a
backlash campaign 7) Waiting until after the 2012 election gave us more time to
build $70,000 in financial resources for 2013. The funders behind the campaign
were not interested in Minneapolis forming its own municipal utility but funded
the upcoming campaign to use the threat of municipalization as leverage.
As a result, we used 2012 to quietly build
up a network of coalition partners sharing about our new strategy (as described
in a previous chapter).
Minneapolis Energy Options brought about a
strategy that was quite new to organizers and funders: to use threat of
municipalization and franchise agreements negotiations to achieve clean energy
wins.
The dominant strategy for creating change
in our energy system has been “get legislation at the state level that tells
the utilities they have to do it”. But we know from experience there are limits
on how much the familiar strategy can accomplish because of likely gridlock and
the requirements upon utilities not being specific enough.
Almost all the way across the board the
result of this typical strategy is that the clean energy requirements are
achieved but incumbent utility management is left with a great deal of control
to determine the specifics about how to accomplish them. This usually results
in giant wind farms whose cost the utilities they get to build into their rate
base. Giant wind farms are part of the solution. The main issue of contention
is that incumbent utility management has been oppositional to provisions on
decentralization, and locally-based, small-scale generation that are also part
of the solution and have inspired Minneapolis Energy Options thought leaders
like John Farrell.
Some energy policy organizations have
spent the last 2-4 decades of using state regulations to push energy utilities
were less than thrilled about this new strategy of considering
municipalization. A City of Minneapolis Municipal utility would be out of the
control of state regulation and hence throw a wrench into the familiar
strategy. This is why many funders were skeptical and why Minneapolis Energy
Options could not secure some environmental/ energy groups as coalition
partners. It was a disruptive strategy indeed. But the point of Minneapolis
Energy Options was disruption because the current system was not working. We
needed to change the power dynamic to achieve the long-held goals.
BOULDER
COLORADO SETS AN INSPIRING PRECEDENT FOR THE CAMPAIGN
In 2013, Minneapolis Energy Options campaigned for getting this ballot
initiative in order to provide a signal that a significant constituency within
the city was not content with a status quo that combined yearly utility rate
hikes with continued dependence upon dirty energy.
The
spirit of Minneapolis Energy Options was not about exploring a municipal
utility just for the sake of municipal ownership. It was about to be pursuing
the option to municipalize for purposes of CLEAR, the acronym Minneapolis
Energy Options invented for how we want our energy to be “Clean, Localized, Equitable Affordable, and Reliable.”
For
that reason, the 2011 success of two similar pro-municipal utility ballot
measures in Boulder Colorado has provided a main source of inspiration and precedent
to Minneapolis Energy Options.
Boulder, Colorado is the first city to authorize a municipal utility for
the specific purpose of increasing clean energy to meet climate emissions
reduction goals. Boulder is home to the National Renewable Energy Laboratory. It is also a city with an abundance of climate
and environmental scientists and energy experts who were practically
volunteering to carry out feasibility studies and to educate the community
about Boulder’s energy pathways.
Like
Minneapolis, Boulder Colorado also had a franchise agreement with Xcel: one
which expired in 2010. According to the Colorado Constitution, the renewal of
the franchise agreement had to go to the voters.
Xcel
first offered a win-win deal of selling Boulder a wind farm in the years up to
2010. But then Xcel reneged on that offer and instead insisted on a status quo
franchise agreement ballot initiative.
In
protest, the City of Boulder put two initiatives on the ballot.
The
first ballot initiative gave the city the authorization to pursue
municipalization, so long as the city could prove they have the capability of
providing electricity with the same reliability and at a cost not higher than Xcel.
The second ballot initiative was intended to raise the consultant and legal
fees anticipated for the municipalization process. NOTE 1
On Election Day 2011, the voters of
Boulder narrowly passed both ballot initiatives despite the campaign being
outspent 10 to 1 by the Xcel-led opposition.
It provided
inspiration and confidence to the Minneapolis Energy Options campaign to see how those campaigning for the ballot measures
could spend only about $107,000 to win a campaign against Xcel spending nearly $961,000 to defeat the measures. NOTE 1
However
that story provided confidence with a caution. The poll numbers in support of the ballot initiatives
were at a lofty 70% before the Xcel-led
opposition succeeded in narrowing down the voter support to just barely above
50%.
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